By John Livingston

May 28, 2024

The Crime Family Exposed Itself to RICO Prosecution When They Brought Trump to Trial

Over the past 5 weeks, we have observed a criminal operation happening openly. All in plain view of the Public. The only crime that has been proved beyond a reasonable doubt is the crime committed By Bragg, Merchan, Colangelo, their fellow conspirators and aiders and abettors.  

The trial is a criminal enterprise on public display, referred to as a Racketeering Influenced Crime Organization (RICO), which involves DA Bragg, Judge Merchan, and Prosecutor Colangelo as the main culprits. They must be held accountable through a public legal process. Many other collaborators can also be implicated in the far-flung network of criminal activities they have participated in. The RICO law is detailed and can capture the main perpetrators and their prominent supporters and facilitators in the conspiracy. It’s important to note that even people associated with tasks like loading and unloading unlawful products can be prosecuted under conspiracy laws and face significant jail sentences, possibly for life.

At last, we can see Alvin Bragg’s underlying criminal theory: he does not have one. Bragg yet concealed co-conspirators that point directly to the White House and may include Biden, Garland, and possibly there will be sufficient proof to prosecute Hillery, Obama, and others. 

This might be an opportunity to break up the organized crime family masquerading as the Democratic Party. Judge Merchan is running the actual trial in the court of public opinion, not to provide justice but to hurt Trump’s election prospects by branding him a convicted felon throughout the election. They seek to do this by lying to the jury– for example, by pretending to have a legitimate criminal theory.

The prosecution concluded its case without providing any details about the supposed 2nd offense or offering a single piece of proof to support the very first allegation. Even if one were to accept Michael Cohen’s statement as truthful, regardless of his history of lying under oath and confessing to six separate felonies in a single morning, his claim that Trump personally directed the monthly payments, which were based on Cohen’s repayment request and labeled as “legal fees,” would still not be sufficient to be a criminal act.

On appeal, the case will undoubtedly be reversed. However, the Merchant’s objective is to acquire an active, short-lived conviction, a conviction that will allow Biden and others to repeatedly call Trump a convicted felon.

Cohen and David Pecker provided no evidence of a criminal act on the part of Trump, while the prosecution manipulated them with inadmissible proof and irrelevant information depicted in a negative light. Essential information such as Cohen’s charges in the Southern District of New York and Brad’s expert testament on election law is deliberately kept from the jury.

Merchan reneged on his guarantee to provide the jury instructions by Thursday night, obviously to prevent lawyers from picking apart his guidelines so jury members don’t find out how incredible they are because they’re going to read the news and talk with buddies, family, and colleagues in the week Merchan provided off.

That’s why he gave them the week off.

Merchan and Bragg attempt to trick the jurors into a guilty verdict by feeding their bias and denying them the info to make a notified decision. The 2nd “underlying” criminal activity has not been called. Merchan told the jurors it could be whatever they desire it to be and turned them loose for a week, throughout which they will undoubtedly become aware of and read report charging Trump with all manner of phony crimes, any among which they’re now totally free to think about Trump’s hidden crime.

Harry Litman believes that if Trump is condemned, it will likely take several months to shift his case from “bail pending appeal” to the appeals. This suggests that Trump could be facing the appeals process in the middle of the summer election campaign, following extensive media protection stressing his status as a convicted  felon

The fundamental allegation that the case depends on is vague. Bragg’s allegations have not been proven; they are a fantasy planted in the minds of a carefully selected and biased jury.

In a legal action that abides by the law’s guidelines, the prosecution’s case begins to come into focus when seen objectively. However, this particular court seems a sham, resembling a criminal business. One warning is the assignment of Judge Merchan: if New York court cases are undoubtedly appointed by chance, as they should be, how did the very same judge occur to command the trials of Donald Trump, Allen Weisselberg, and Steve Bannon?

In 2017, Judge Emmet Sullivan was assigned General Flynn’s case after dealing with another case related to Trump. Robert Mueller prosecuted General Flynn as part of the Russia National Security Advisor to Trump. Despite initially pleading guilty and the judge accepting it, a series of uncommon occasions resulted in the case being reassigned to Judge Sullivan. He delayed sentencing numerous times until the Department of Justice chose to drop the case totally. Still, Sullivan refused to do so, leading to comparisons to Judge Merchan and raising questions about the factor for his task to the case.

During the Russia investigation, Mueller started the Trump NDA Trial, involving Michael Cohen’s supposed connections with Russians. Cohen was referred to the SDNY, and his hotel was raided, leading to allegations of perjury related to a Moscow Trump Hotel task.

Cohen remained in a precarious circumstance, having been caught red-handed in a web of bank fraud and tax evasion totaling over $4 million, with a possible prison sentence of 4-5 years looming. As a result, he wanted to do whatever it required to avoid incarceration, as he admitted to the Southern District of New York (SDNY) in the presence of Bob Costello. The underlying intent, as Costello revealed, was to persuade Cohen to cooperate versus Trump, however Cohen lacked any incriminating evidence against the previous president. Without utilization, a plea deal was out of concern. The SDNY highlighted the gravity of the charges in Cohen’s case file, leaving him desperate to leave imprisonment. Costello made it clear to Cohen that the SDNY was seeking damaging details about Trump.

So, Cohen pleaded guilty to a campaign finance offense, an insignificant charge compared to the others. Andrew McCarthy, the former SDNY district attorney who composed the book on this, doubts they would have charged it otherwise. He was trying to help them “Get Trump” in exchange for leniency.

In the end, they declined to press charges, probably because putting Cohen on the stand themselves was too dangerous, and he got a three-year sentence; however, he served most of it under home arrest. He says they double-crossed him, however this looks like a ploy to make his testimony look sincere, not bought by letting him avoid of prison.

McCarthy highlights that Cohen’s admission of guilt does not equate to a finding of regret, as his case has not by a judge or jury. The plea is exclusively permitted in court to challenge Cohen’s trustworthiness as a witness and can not be utilized to suggest Trump’s participation in the same offense through association. However, New York proceeded to do just that, and Merchan permitted it.

To secure a conviction against Trump, prosecutors would need to show that he explicitly directed the falsification of financial records, understand the appropriate regulations, and deliberately sought to deceive, leading to damage to a minimum of one celebration. In addition, they would be required to reveal that the legal costs in question were repayments for loans and unrelated to genuine legal services, and the supreme objective of this deception was to hide unreported campaign finance expenses.

Bragg did not take that action, and the financing cost is unattainable, rendering the entire circumstance null. Trump experienced Cohen and Weisselberg in January after the election had concluded, and the monetary disclosures for that time were not yet needed. He had the alternative to compensate Cohen and reveal it however it would have had no effect on the election since it was currently completed.

Furthermore, Cohen’s function as Trump’s attorney appears, no matter the lack of an official written contract. A legal representative doesn’t have to be actively working on a case to be considered on retainer. The evidence suggests that Cohen clearly understood Trump, having recognized himself as Trump’s attorney to others and sending billings that indicated a retainer plan. However, Cohen’s denial of this relationship is inconsistent, considering that he formerly lied under oath about representing Costello in a similar capacity.

The entire story is a fabrication, and the District Attorney’s workplace knew that Cohen would perpetuate the deception. Mark Levin states this makes up a severe legal offense called suborning perjury.

I am uncertain if that is sufficient. Among the critical points in Costello’s statement is that he displayed Cohen’s record to Bragg before the indictment, which should not have This could be viewed as proof of RICO.

In summary, we have a clear case of RICO infractions, including three or more criminal offenses that jointly conspire to illegally influence a federal election, commit perjury, falsify proof, and more. I’m forwarding this memo and others to Jen Paxton, who will prepare this case for discussion with a grand jury in the Western District of Texas shortly after Trump takes office. Our ultimate goal is to dismantle this corrupt organization disguised as the Democratic Party and restore integrity to our political system.

I hold no grudges against the Democratic Party; my family ties to the South, spanning generations, have traditionally aligned with its values. However, I believe it’s essential for the Party to rediscover its founding principles and serve as a trustworthy check on Republican excesses.